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This chapter applies the theory of symbolic interactionism to present the qualitative analysis of 51 sentencing decisions in domestic violence homicide cases processed in Polish courts. It is argued in this chapter that sentencing, like any other human action, is subject to interpretations at the hands of judges, who engage in the construction and meaning-making process of gender at the sentencing stage. The findings demonstrate the diversely-constructed presence of gendered narratives, which vary in terms of their inclusion of the domestic violence terminology and/or the discussion on the fulfilment of socially-prescribed gender roles. The analysis has exposed a powerful interplay between the judges’ perception of the (abusive) relationship, gender roles, and the defendant’s/victim’s acquiescence to them, which in consequence makes women more likely the subject of double standards of conformity. The chapter offers a qualitative outlook on the topic and invites a new theoretical perspective to shift the attention from the impact of gender – to the meaning of gender – in sentencing decisions.
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This article aims to contribute to skilful performance by reflecting on the importance of tacit knowing for practitioners who handle domestic violence in the field. Polanyi's insights on tacit knowing, skills and learning are applied to domestic violence cases and to reflections on approaches and developments in the field in which tacit knowing is embodied and expressed. Furthermore, it relates to the work that practitioners engage in directly with clients, to Sennett's sociological themes on craftsmanship and good work, on front-line work in child protection the handling of domestic violence, and on learning from complex, sometimes fatal, cases. This leads to the conclusion that formal and informal knowing and intense learning need to be intertwined in a balanced way.
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One of the important themes in debating violence in the international political fora is ‘violence against women’, which is explicitly emphasized by The Convention of Istanbul. The Netherlands have ratified this convention but partially due to Dutch influence it was stated that although women do suffer more from violence, that does not mean that there are no male victims of violence and that the state and policy makers should provide for them too. As a consequence, Dutch government aims at ‘gender neutrality’ in their approaches to prevent and treat violence. This approach has dealt with some criticism, some wonder nowadays whether this focus on ‘gender neutrality’ has negative consequences for addressing the hardship that women have to deal with. In our contribution we will try to answer the previous question by looking into three examples: domestic violence, honour-related violence, and prostitution & human trafficking policy, all in the Netherlands.
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Battering as a consequence of power and powerlessness. Men learn to talk about domestic violence and their relationships with women and children through group work This article reports on a working visit of a week (in September 2010), to three domestic abuse programmes aimed at male perpetrators of abuse, in Minnesota in the USA. So far, an effective domestic violence intervention, or a model or treatment which is superior, is lacking (Babcock,Green & Robbie, 2004). An important goal of the visit was to gain more insight into the ways SLAAN UIT MACHT EN UIT ONMACHT American colleagues, in research and practice, deal with male perpetrators of abuse; how they perform risk analyses; how they provide help, support and safety. Also, the author wanted to know how they deal with the fact that these men often are fathers. The working visit provided valuable inside information. The author spoke with experts and practitioners, observed groupwork and, in doing so, gained insight into the power and powerlessness of male perpetrators of abuse and their roles as partners and fathers. Combining insights from these conversations and observations and existing theory, this article gives a practice based view on how American colleagues deal with these men
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Huiselijk geweld lijkt sterk toe te nemen tijdens de Covid-19 pandemie. Wat opvalt in de berichtgeving, is dat er stelselmatig wordt uitgegaan van mannelijke daders en vrouwelijke slachtoffers. Is dit wel terecht? In dit artikel beschrijven Vivienne de Vogel en Kasia Uzieblo dat ook vrouwen huiselijk geweld plegen en gaan ze in op de weerstand in de maatschappij om vrouwen als pleger én om mannen als slachtoffer te zien van huiselijk geweld. The prevalence of domestic violence seems to be increasing during the COVID-19 pandemic. In most media coverage and calls for preventive initiatives from professionals and policy, males are consistently portrayed as perpetrators of domestic violence and females and children as victims, also by leading organizations like the WHO. However, research has clearly shown that there are more types of domestic violence, like sibling and elder abuse and that women are also capable of serious violence towards their family. The current article aims to summarize the literature on gender and domestic violence, and to discuss the societal reluctance to acknowledge females as potential perpetrators, and males as potential victims.
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In het begin van 2020 verscheen van de hand van de Groep van deskundigen inzake actie tegen geweld tegen vrouwen en huiselijk geweld (Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, GREVIO) een rapport met aanbevelingen naar aanleiding van een onderzoek naar de wettelijke en andere maatregelen die Nederland neemt om uitvoering te geven aan de bepalingen van het Verdrag van de Raad van Europa inzake het voorkomen en bestrijden van geweld tegen vrouwen en huiselijk geweld, ook wel bekend als het Verdrag van Istanbul.
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Women and girls represent only a minority in the penitentiary system and in forensic mental health care. About 6%–10% of both prison and forensic psychiatric populations in Western countries comprise women (see for the most recent offi cial statistics in the UK w ww.gov. uk/government, in Canada w ww.statcan.gc.ca, and in the US w ww.bjs.gov) . However, there seems to be widespread agreement that in the past 20 years female offending has been on the rise, especially violent offending and particularly among young women ( Miller, Malone, and Dodge, 2010; M oretti, Catchpole, and Odgers, 2005) . Overall, a disproportionate growth of females entering the criminal justice system and forensic mental health care has been observed in many countries (for reviews, see Nicholls, Cruise, Greig, and Hinz, 2015; Odgers, Moretti, and Reppucci, 2005 ; Walmsley, 2015) . In addition, it should be noted that the ‘dark number’ for women is suggested to be bigger than for men. Offi cial prevalence rates of female offending might constitute an underestimation as women usually commit less reported offences, for example, domestic violence (N icholls, Greaves, Greig, and Moretti, 2015) . Furthermore, it has been found that – if apprehended – girls and women are treated more leniently by professionals and the criminal justice system. Generally, they receive lower prison sentences and are more often admitted to civil psychiatric institutions instead of receiving a prison sentence or mandatory forensic treatment after committing violence ( Javdani, Sadeh, and Verona, 2011 ; Jeffries, Fletcher, and Newbold, 2003 ). Hence, although female offenders compared to male offenders are a minority, female violence is a substantial problem that deserves more attention. Our understanding of female offenders is hindered by the general paucity of theoretical and empirical investigations of this population. In order to improve current treatment and assessment practices, our knowledge and understanding of female offenders should be enlarged and optimised (d e Vogel and Nicholls, 2016 ).
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Adopted on the fifteenth anniversary of resolution 1325, Security Council resolution 2242 has recognized for the first time the substantial link between climate change and the “Women, Peace and Security” (WPS) framework. Despite this landmark resolution, the intersections of environmental factors, conflict and violence against women remain largely absent from the Security Council's WPS agenda. Competition over natural resources is generally understood as a driver of conflict. The risk of insecurity and conflict are further increased by environmental degradation and climate change. It is therefore clear that the environment and natural resources must be integrated into the WPS agenda. This should necessarily include a discussion of indigenous rights to land and the gender-related dimensions of environmental factors. Indigenous women are disproportionately affected by environmental degradation, caused by resource extraction and increasingly compounded by climatic changes. This in turn exacerbates other vulnerabilities, including sexual and gender-based violence and other forms of marginalization. This article argues, by reference to the situation in West Papua, that unfettered resource extraction not only amplifies vulnerabilities and exacerbates preexisting inequalities stemming from colonial times, it also gives rise to gendered consequences flowing from the damage wreaked on the natural environment and thus poses a danger to international peace and security. As such, the Security Council's failure to recognize the continuous struggle of women in indigenous and rural communities against extractive economies and climate change impact as a security risk forms a serious lacuna within its WPS agenda. Originally published by Oxford University Press in Global Studies Quarterly, Volume 1, Issue 3, September 2021, ksab018, https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab018
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Most violence risk assessment tools have been validated predominantly in males. In this multicenter study, the Historical, Clinical, Risk Management–20 (HCR-20), Historical, Clinical, Risk Management–20 Version 3 (HCR-20V3), Female Additional Manual (FAM), Short-Term Assessment of Risk and Treatability (START), Structured Assessment of Protective Factors for violence risk (SAPROF), and Psychopathy Checklist–Revised (PCL-R) were coded on file information of 78 female forensic psychiatric patients discharged between 1993 and 2012 with a mean follow-up period of 11.8 years from one of four Dutch forensic psychiatric hospitals. Notable was the high rate of mortality (17.9%) and readmission to psychiatric settings (11.5%) after discharge. Official reconviction data could be retrieved from the Ministry of Justice and Security for 71 women. Twenty-four women (33.8%) were reconvicted after discharge, including 13 for violent offenses (18.3%). Overall, predictive validity was moderate for all types of recidivism, but low for violence. The START Vulnerability scores, HCR-20V3, and FAM showed the highest predictive accuracy for all recidivism. With respect to violent recidivism, only the START Vulnerability scores and the Clinical scale of the HCR-20V3 demonstrated significant predictive accuracy.
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