This paper examines the network governance approach of the Dutch Urban Envoy in the context of multilevel governance in the European Union. This paper aims to answer the research question on how the scope of network governance can explore the performance of the Dutch Urban Envoy. By analyzing network characteristics, such as legitimacy, actor-level properties, and network-level properties, this paper seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the performance of the Dutch Urban Envoy. Drawing on previous research, this paper identifies the applicability and limitations of assessing network characteristics in understanding advocacy processes. The paper successfully visualizes the networks of the Dutch Urban Envoy and explores their roles and mandates, contributing to determining the added value of their position. However, the network governance approach has limitations in explaining the tangible successes and challenges of the Dutch Urban Envoy that cannot be directly attributed to their overall performance.
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The article engages with the recent studies on multilevel regulation. The starting point for the argument is that contemporary multilevel regulation—as most other studies of (postnational) rulemaking—is limited in its analysis. The limitation concerns its monocentric approach that, in turn, deepens the social illegitimacy of contemporary multilevel regulation. The monocentric approach means that the study of multilevel regulation originates in the discussions on the foundation of modern States instead of returning to the origins of rules before the nation State was even created, which is where the actual social capital underlying (contemporary) rules can be found, or so I wish to argue. My aim in this article is to reframe the debate. I argue that we have an enormous reservoir of history, practices, and ideas ready to help us think through contemporary (social) legitimacy problems in multilevel regulation: namely all those practices which preceded the capture of law by the modern State system, such as historical alternative dispute resolution (ADR) practices.
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Our approach is multi-actor and solution driven: • We study global problems with the people directly involved in those problems. • We study what those people do, how they do it, and how their practices can be improved. • This allows us to unpack global governance into more local practices of new and underrepresented actors, and • to develop new collaborative solutions to global problems through communities of practice • using research methods such as interviews, surveys, focus discussion groups, archival work, and citizen science
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Adaptive governance describes the purposeful collective actions to resist, adapt, or transform when faced with shocks. As governments are reluctant to intervene in informal settlements, community based organisations (CBOs) self-organize and take he lead. This study explores under what conditions CBOs in Mathare informal settlement, Nairobi initiate and sustain resilience activities during Covid-19. Study findings show that CBOs engage in multiple resilience activities, varying from maladaptive and unsustainable to adaptive, and transformative. Two conditions enable CBOs to initiate resilience activities: bonding within the community and coordination with other actors. To sustain these activities over 2.5 years of Covid-19, CBOs also require leadership, resources, organisational capacity, and network capacity. The same conditions appear to enable CBOs to engage in transformative activities. How-ever, CBOs cannot transform urban systems on their own. An additional condition, not met in Mathare, is that governments, NGOs, and donor agencies facilitate, support, and build community capacities. This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Adaptive governance by community-based organisations: Community resilience initiatives during Covid‐19 in Mathare, Nairobi. which has been published in final form at doi/10.1002/sd.2682. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions
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Based on an intensive literature review, this paper investigates and presents generalized answers to the two basic questions of port governance, namely who governs and what is governed. There are totally 77 studies selected as the core literature sample according to a five-step approach. The results from literature review show evidences in favor of the important roles played by governmental organizations and port organizations as the main governing bodies of port governance. Furthermore, our analysis shows first, that multilevel governance has become a notable feature of port governance. Second, there are increasing involvements by national or regional levels of government in some countries such as the USA, Brazil, China. Third, port authorities at local level are generally holding the centre-stage position with further autonomy in managing port operations. Fourth, not-for-profit organizations related to port activities play the role of coordinators in port governance. Finally, different governance regimes with different specific governing actors for different port classifications can be identified for many nations. This study shows that fundamentally institutional arrangements and specific port activities are the two basic categories of what is governed. The institutional arrangements determine the port governance configuration and allocation of responsibilities of port activities. There are 12 groups of specific port activities within five categories identified in port governance.
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In this opinion piece, we establish some key priorities for evidence-based governance to address the increasing threat of heatwave events in Europe, particularly for human health. According to the European Environment Agency (EEA) [1], Europe is warming faster than the global average. The year 2020 was the warmest year in Europe since the instrumental records began, with the range of anomaly between 2.53˚C and 2.71˚C above the pre-industrial levels. Particularly high warming has been observed over eastern Europe, Scandinavia and the eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula. Climate change-related heatwaves are becoming a significant threat to human health and necessitate early action [2]. While financial resources and technological capacities are crucial to aid (local) governments in adapting to and proactively mitigating the threats posed by heatwaves, they are not enough [3]. Akin to flood responses, European countries must prepare for large-scale evacuations of vulnerable citizens (especially older adults living alone) from their homes. Here, we outline three priorities for Europe in the governance domain. These priorities encompass developing and rolling-out heat-health action plans, a stronger role for European Union institutions in regional heatwave governance, and creating a sense of urgency by developing innovative ways of communicating research findings to relevant policy makers and citizens.
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One of the freedoms enjoyed by European Union (EU) citizens is the freedom of movement for workers within the EU (since 2011). This includes the rights of movement and residence for workers, the right to work in another Member State and be treated on an equal footing with nationals of that Member State. EU Mobile Citizens (EUMCs) are often not treated on an equal footing. In the Netherlands, the struggle to register and house EUMCs has been continuous since the start of the enlargement of the EU with the EU-11 in 2004. For this study student-led research was used to look at registration and housing policies in three countries, Sweden, Spain, and Germany to look for good practices applicable in the Dutch context. Students interviewed a municipal worker and a business representative (employer of EUMCs) in seven selected municipalities. The findings from this exploration highlight the complexity of addressing the needs of EU Mobile Citizens within local governance structures. Across the case studies, three critical themes emerged that shaped the dynamics of registration and housing for EUMCs: the capacity of local governments, the roles of employers, and the influence of national-level policies.
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The article describes what a restorative city is by looking at research, experiences in different countries and by describing the developments in Restorative City Wrocław. A restorative city is a city that recognises its urban environment as a network of relations in which – in the case of conflict – citizens, institutions and organisations choose a restorative approach to finding a solution in the first place. This necessitates proactive responses to conflict resolution, which go beyond criminal justice and crime prevention strategies that are still predominantly of a reactive nature. The concept of the restorative justice city builds a ‘criminology of trust’, for which crime is not a risk to be managed and controlled but a harm to be addressed by penal policies based on respect, solidarity, inclusion and active participation The restorative city concept, as also seen in Wrocław, is gaining momentum and while it is becoming an appealing policy transfer in an increasingly globalized world.
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The climate crisis is an urgent and complex global challenge, requiring transformative action from diverse stakeholders, including governments, civil society, and grassroots movements. Conventional top-down approaches to climate governance have proven insufficient (e.g. UNFCCC, COP events), necessitating a shift towards more inclusive and polycentric models that incorporate the perspectives and needs of diverse communities (Bliznetskaya, 2023; Dorsch & Flachsland, 2017). The independent, multidisciplinary approach of citizen-led activist groups can provide new insights and redefine challenges and opportunities for climate governance and regulation. Despite their important role in developing effective climate action, these citizen-led groups often face significant barriers to decision-making participation, including structural, practical, and legal challenges (Berry et al., 2019; Colli, 2021; Marquardt et al., 2022; Tayler & Schulte, 2019).
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In opdracht van het ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties heeft het lectoraat Changing Role of Europe van De Haagse Hogeschool de rol van de Dutch Urban Envoy geëvalueerd. De betekenis, de inzet, het vervolg en de toekomstige invulling van de rol van de Dutch Urban Envoy komen aan bod. Op basis van de inzichten van 37 interviews met 39 betrokken partijen (van het Ministerie van BZK, Nederlandse steden, Europese steden, koepelorganisaties, Europese instellingen en andere ministeries binnen de Rijksoverheid) en deskresearch zijn de volgende conclusies en aanbevelingen geformuleerd.
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