“How can we make sure that students receive the right learning outcomes that make them ready for a world that is more and more interculturally and internationally connected? What does that mean for faculty development? What are the implications for the assessment of students? How can instruments such as study abroad, international classrooms, teaching in another language, recruitment of international students and cross-border delivery, contribute to that process? In other words: how can we make sure that all students and not only the small elite of already internationally oriented students and faculty receive the basic intercultural and international skills and knowledge they need in current society?” By Uwe Brandenburg, project manager and partner at the Centre for Higher Education Development Consult, Germany and Hans de Wit, professor of internationalization, Amsterdam University of Applied Sciences, the Netherlands, and director of the Centre for Higher Education Internationalization at the Università Cattolica Sacro Cuore, Milan, Italy. This article in the Guardian Professional (Higher Education Network): ‘Higher education is losing sight of what internationalisation is all about’
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This paper explores America’s fascination with protectionism and economic nationalism, and argues that much of Donald J. Trump’s political-economic vision as 45th president of the United States is intimately tied-up with America’s idea of itself and its role in the world. Rather, as this paper demonstrates, economic-nationalism, in its many forms, is a deeply rooted American political-economic tradition that goes back as far as the nation’s very founding, and, indeed, as such has always been a latent political force in America’s political-culture. From its earliest founding days, protectionism versus free-trade has been a matter that has always bitterly divided America, and as such, economic nationalism, in the form of a threatening exit from the WTO, a possible re-negotiation of NAFTA, and high import tariffs for Mexico and China, although perhaps a dramatic shift after years of free-trade presidents, is nothing new under the American sun.
Disinformation and so-called fake news are contemporary phenomena with rich histories. Disinformation, or the willful introduction of false information for the purposes of causing harm, recalls infamous foreign interference operations in national media systems. Outcries over fake news, or dubious stories with the trappings of news, have coincided with the introduction of new media technologies that disrupt the publication, distribution and consumption of news -- from the so-called rumour-mongering broadsheets centuries ago to the blogosphere recently. Designating a news organization as fake, or der Lügenpresse, has a darker history, associated with authoritarian regimes or populist bombast diminishing the reputation of 'elite media' and the value of inconvenient truths. In a series of empirical studies, using digital methods and data journalism, the authors inquire into the extent to which social media have enabled the penetration of foreign disinformation operations, the widespread publication and spread of dubious content as well as extreme commentators with considerable followings attacking mainstream media as fake.
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