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Netherlands: Education for democratic citizenship in Dutch schools

Highlights−Constitutional freedom of education affects democratic citizenship education policy.−Citizenship education legislation in 2006 and 2007 placed little demands on schools.−Legislation introduced in 2021 has further specified what is expected from schools.−Studies of citizenship education in practice are largely critical of the extentto which schools teach about, through and for democracy.Purpose:This paper discusses developments in citizenship education policy and practice in the Netherlands, and outlines key challenges as faced by the different stakeholders involved.Design/methodology/approach:Our discussion is based on existing research and policy documents in the Netherlands. The authors, from three Dutch universities, are experts in the field of research on citizenship education.Findings:Promoting citizenship education in primary, secondary and vocational tertiary education in the Netherlands has been challenging, particularly in light of the constitutional freedom of education in the Netherlands. Five issues are discussed in this regard: the contents of CE legislation, the normative character of legal requirements, integration of CE legislation in national curriculum aims, clarifying expectations from schools in teaching CE, and teacher education and professionalization.

The eternal struggle for the city: in search of an alternative framework for citizen participation in urban regeneration projects in shrinking cities

The relevance of citizen participation in regeneration projects, particularly in shrinking cities, is widely acknowledged, and this topic has received a great deal of policy and academic attention. Although the many advantages of citizen participation in regeneration projects have been identified, its current forms have also received considerable criticism. In short, this criticism boils down to the conclusion that the ideal of citizen participation is not put into practice. This paper considers why this is the case, asking whether current participatory practices enable citizens to exercise influence as political actors in urban regeneration projects. In this paper, we examine this question based on Mouffe’s conception of the political, coupled with findings from our empirical research conducted in Heerlen North, The Netherlands. We conducted qualitative research on urban regeneration in the shrinking old industrial city of Heerlen. The findings reveal two distinct perspectives on citizen participation. Professionals see the existing context of citizen participation as a reasonable and practical but, in some respects, insufficient practice. Citizens’ views on participation are organized around feelings of anger, shame, and fear and are grounded in experiences of a lack of recognition. These experiences limit citizens’ abilities to exert true influence on regeneration projects. We conclude that efforts to regenerate shrinking cities should strive to recognize these experiences so as to create conditions that generate respect and esteem and, as such, enable urban social justice.

Creating Caring and Just Democratic Schools to Prevent Extremism

Secondary schools are well placed to avert radicalization processes toward extremism because such trajectories often begin in adolescence. Adolescents are in the process of forming their identities, and most adolescents are idealistic, which makes them susceptible to groups that passionately pursue utopian visions. To avert the path toward extremism, Doret de Ruyter and Stijn Sieckelinck propose to balance a prevention approach with a positive educative ethos that is sensitive to the emotions involved in students' quest for meaning in life and identity formation. This involves schools being places where all students experience that they matter and where they can express their passion for their ideals and experiment with their identities without being ridiculed; at the same time, schools must guide students in learning that not everything they value will be accepted and that they must also take into account the interests and rights of others. The schools' role is thus complex and precarious, and teachers are in a position of navigating a politically sensitive minefield daily. Therefore, any theoretical proposition regarding what schools can realistically do to prevent extremism must be informed by everyday educational practice.

Wilders en de media - verklaringen voor verleiding.

Dit paper onderzoekt de oorsprong van Geert Wilders' media-appeal. Geen Nederlandse politicus heeft in de voorbije vijf jaar zoveel journalistieke aandacht gegenereerd als de leider van de Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV). Althans, dat is een wijdverbreid idee onder politici, academici en journalisten zelf. Hier staat de vraag centraal wat Wilders aantrekkelijk maakt als onderwerp en bron van nieuws voor Nederlandse journalisten. Daartoe wordt eerst een overzicht gegeven van theorieën die verklaren hoe (rechts-) populistische politici media-aandacht verkrijgen. In het algemeen geldt daarbij dat zij - om succesvol te zijn - evenwicht trachten te vinden tussen een outsiderpositie die hen nieuwswaardig maakt, en een establishment-positie die hen geloofwaardigheid verschaft bij zowel publiek, medepolitici als media. In een secundaire analyse worden vervolgens 62 studies onderzocht die in de voorbije jaren zijn gedaan naar Wilders en naar zijn verhouding met de media. Hieruit blijkt dat Wilders in sterke mate voldoet aan het profiel van de rechts-populistische politicus uit de literatuur, maar dat hij tegelijkertijd een autoriteit, effectiviteit en legitimiteit bezit die hem mainstream maken. Beide - ogenschijnlijk tegenstrijdige - beelden van de PVV-leider verklaren zijn aantrekkingskracht voor journalisten: dat van outsider én dat van insider. Hij komt daarmee vergaand tegemoet aan medialogica en wat deze van politici vraagt. Bovendien verschaffen de felle reacties van tegenstanders hem extra publiciteit: reacties die hij vaak zelf oproept door zijn emotionele, provocatieve en confronterende boodschap.

PhD artikel 2

“Recovering” the political

In many European cities, urban experimentation is increasingly preferred as a method for testing and disseminating innovations that might ignite a transformation toward more sustainable cities. By both academics and practitioners, these experiments tend to be approached as relatively neutral initiatives through which plural urban stakeholders willfully collaborate, while their success is seen as above all dependent on effective management. For this reason, the political nature of urban experiments, in the sense that they entangle different and often contending stakeholders in their innovation processes, remains relatively unarticulated in both practice and the academic literature. Building on the urban experimentation literature and political theory, this conceptual paper argues that the depoliticization of experimental initiatives is especially problematic for unleashing their transformative potential, which requires revealing the existing power-relations and biases keeping the status-quo in place and negotiability of radical alternatives. From this perspective, the paper sketches out four ideal-typical trajectories for experiments as related to their (de)politicization; optimization, blind leap, antagonistic conflict and transformation. Bringing insights from political theory to bear on the urban experimentation literature, we proceed to hypothesize the implications of our ideal-types for urban experiments’ transformative capacities. The paper closes by presenting a future research and policy agenda.