Ship-source greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions could increase by up to 250% from 2012 levels by 2050 owing to increasing global freight volumes. Binding international legal agreements to regulate GHGs, however, are lacking as technical solutions remain expensive and crucial industrial support is absent. In 2003, IMO adopted Resolution A.963 (23) to regulate shipping CO2 emissions via technical, operational, and market-based routes. However, progress has been slow and uncertain; there is no concrete emission reduction target or definitive action plan. Yet, a full-fledged roadmap may not even emerge until 2023. In this policy analysis, we revisit the progress of technical, operational, and market-based routes and the associated controversies. We argue that 1) a performance-based index, though good-intentioned, has loopholes affecting meaningful CO2 emission reductions driven by technical advancements; 2) using slow steaming to cut energy consumption stands out among operational solutions thanks to its immediate and obvious results, but with the already slow speed in practice, this single source has limited emission reduction potential; 3) without a technology-savvy shipping industry, a market-based approach is essentially needed to address the environmental impact. To give shipping a 50:50 chance for contributing fairly and proportionately to keep global warming below 2°C, deep emission reductions should occur soon.
In this article, the author will question the seemingly obvious boundary between civil disobedience, as conceptualised by Rawls and Arendt, and several examples of criminal, or simply annoying, activities which don't meet their criteria, such as the case of the ‘Top 50'. The ‘Top 50' are multi-problem Dutch-Caribbean men, who refuse to adapt to predominant norms in Dutch society. IThe author argues that political aspects of their behaviour should be acknowledged, even if they engage in criminal behaviour and don't present explicit political goals. Firstly, she questions the way in which Rawls based his definition on a centralistic conception of governmental power and contrast it with Foucault's conception of normalising power, in which power is diffuse and cannot be restricted to the enactment of formal laws. Secondly, she discusses what the minimum requirements are to be able to classifyacts as civil disobedience. Rawls and Arendt draw a clear line between criminal behaviour and civil disobedience, but their requirements may be too strict. We might miss signals of injustice if actions that do not meet these criteria are excluded from the political discourse. The conclusion is that comparing Arendt's and Rawls' conception of civil disobedience with the behaviour of a marginal migrant group may be useful in questioning the boundaries of this concept and in making it more inclusive. A wider conception of civil disobedience may help to explain the meaning of deviant behaviour in terms of social critique and to challenge the traditional understanding of civil disobedience.
Ondernemen in een veranderende wereld is geschreven voor beleidsmakers, managers, ondernemers, organisatieadviseurs en studenten. Vanuit diverse ontwikkelingen op het gebied van technologische connectiviteit, open innovatie, maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen, outsourcing, de herrijzenis van China, samenwerking tussen organisaties, de veranderende consument, de veranderende marketing en authenticiteit, biedt Ondernemen in een veranderende wereld een nieuw perspectief op een veranderende wereld. In dit hoofdstuk wordt ingegaan op Maatschappelijk Verantwoord Ondernemen (MVO). Vaak in één adem genoemd met duurzaamheid. Geen onderneming lijkt zich meer te kunnen veroorloven er niet aan te doen. Waar komt deze ontwikkeling vandaan? Wat moeten we nu precies onder maatschappelijk of duurzaam ondernemen verstaan? En is MVO verenigbaar met meer gangbare financiële ondernemingsdoelstellingen? Vragen die een antwoord, of minstens een aanzet daartoe verdienen.
