Full text via link. In September 2015, a four year project on the working alliance with mandated clients started. The project was facilitated by a RAAK-PRO grant of the Dutch Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) and carried out by researchers of the University of Applied Sciences Utrecht. The project has been set up throughout several areas of the forensic social field: probation, labor reintegration, debt counseling, social care and youth services. The idea came as a response to the ambivalent feelings professionals in mandated contexts express regarding the combination of controlling and coaching tasks they need to employ. They sometimes struggle with ‘hybrid working’ in one-to-one supervision with clients. Professionals claim they need theory-based knowledge on how to build a working alliance with mandated clients on which they can build their daily practice.
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Background: The prevalence of Substance Use Disorder (SUD) in people with Mild IntellectualDisability and Borderline Intellectual Functioning (MID-BIF) is high and evidence-basedtreatment programs are scarce. The present study describes the development of a personalised SUD treatment for people with MID-BIF.Method: The personalised SUD treatment is developed according to the steps of the InterventionMapping approach, based on literature review, theoretical intervention methods, clinicalexperience and consultation with experts in the field of addiction and intellectual disability care.Results: We developed a treatment manual called Take it Personal!+. Take it Personal!+ aims toreduce substance use, is based on motivational interviewing and cognitive behavior therapyand personalised based on the client’s personality profile. Furthermore, an mHealth application supports the treatment sessions.Conclusion: Take it Personal!+ is the first personalised SUD treatment for individuals with MID-BIF.Future research should test the effectiveness of Take it Personal!+ in reducing SU.
Women and girls represent only a minority in the penitentiary system and in forensic mental health care. About 6%–10% of both prison and forensic psychiatric populations in Western countries comprise women (see for the most recent offi cial statistics in the UK w ww.gov. uk/government, in Canada w ww.statcan.gc.ca, and in the US w ww.bjs.gov) . However, there seems to be widespread agreement that in the past 20 years female offending has been on the rise, especially violent offending and particularly among young women ( Miller, Malone, and Dodge, 2010; M oretti, Catchpole, and Odgers, 2005) . Overall, a disproportionate growth of females entering the criminal justice system and forensic mental health care has been observed in many countries (for reviews, see Nicholls, Cruise, Greig, and Hinz, 2015; Odgers, Moretti, and Reppucci, 2005 ; Walmsley, 2015) . In addition, it should be noted that the ‘dark number’ for women is suggested to be bigger than for men. Offi cial prevalence rates of female offending might constitute an underestimation as women usually commit less reported offences, for example, domestic violence (N icholls, Greaves, Greig, and Moretti, 2015) . Furthermore, it has been found that – if apprehended – girls and women are treated more leniently by professionals and the criminal justice system. Generally, they receive lower prison sentences and are more often admitted to civil psychiatric institutions instead of receiving a prison sentence or mandatory forensic treatment after committing violence ( Javdani, Sadeh, and Verona, 2011 ; Jeffries, Fletcher, and Newbold, 2003 ). Hence, although female offenders compared to male offenders are a minority, female violence is a substantial problem that deserves more attention. Our understanding of female offenders is hindered by the general paucity of theoretical and empirical investigations of this population. In order to improve current treatment and assessment practices, our knowledge and understanding of female offenders should be enlarged and optimised (d e Vogel and Nicholls, 2016 ).
