Based on the results of two research projects from the Netherlands, this paper explores how street oriented persons adapt and use digital technologies by focusing on the changing commission of instrumental, economically motivated, street crime. Our findings show how social media are used by street offenders to facilitate or improve parts of the crime script of already existing criminal activities but also how street offenders are engaging in criminal activities not typically associated with the street, like phishing and fraud. Taken together, this paper documents how technology has permeated street life and contributed to the ‘hybridization’ of street offending in the Netherlands—i.e. offending that takes place in person and online, often at the same time.
Previous research has shown that female persistent offenders have multiple psychiatric and psychosocial problems, such as substance use disorders, other mental disorders, financial problems and housing problems. The present study examined recidivism and predictors of recidivism in a sample of 74 Dutch female high level persistent offenders who had been subjected to a special court order for persistent offenders, called ISD [Inrichting Stelselmatige Daders]. The criminal records were studied to gain insight in the criminal charges against women after release from the ISD. Results showed that 43% of the persistent female offenders had registered justice contacts within one year after release, of which the majority concerned non-violent property offences. However, the number of offences was found to be significantly reduced after their release. No offence-related, demographic, substance-related, psychiatric or personal history characteristics were found to be predictive for general recidivism.
Organized crime differs substantially from high-volume crime, at least theoretically. But do offenders differ as well? This study makes an extensive comparison between offenders who engage in organized crime at a particular moment in their lives and general offenders, based on various dimensions of their criminal careers. Many organized crime offenders do not have judicial contacts before adulthood. Surprisingly, this turns out to be the case for the comparison group as well. However, organized crime offenders do more often have previous judicial contacts, and those previous contacts are also far more serious. These general findings are robust; they also hold when the comparisons are restricted to organized crime offenders and general offenders who have engaged in drug crimes and fraud cases.
