This study was commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs of the European Parliament. It analyses the political and legal dynamics behind referendums on EU-related matters. It argues that we have entered a period of increasing political uncertainty with regard to the European project and that this new political configuration will both affect and be affected by the politics of EU-related referendums. Such referendums have long been a risky endeavour and this has been accentuated in the wake of the Great Recession with its negative ramifications for public opinion in the European Union. It is clear that referendums on EU matters are here to stay and will continue to be central to the EU’s future as they are deployed to determine the number of Member States within the EU, its geographical reach, its constitutional evolution and adherence to EU policies. Only now they have become an even riskier endeavour.
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Een referendumspook waart door Europa, aldus de gevestigde orde in Brussel. Het afgelopen jaar spraken Grieken, Denen, Nederlanders en Britten zich bij referenda uit tegen de Europese Unie. De geest gaat echter niet terug in de fles. Meer referenda zijn op komst. Tegelijkertijd lijkt het wantrouwen in Europa hardnekkiger dan ooit. Houden dit wantrouwen en meer referenda de EU gegijzeld of is er een uitweg?
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This study assesses the evolutionary leadership theory and the natural leadership instrument of Van Vugt and Ahuja (2011) in the context of youth elite football. The Evolutionary Leadership Theory is a comprehensive new way of looking at leadership that suggests environmental pressures influence the choice of who becomes the leader. The results revealed that the concept of natural leadership, as measured using the six natural leaders questionnaire, cannot be applied to the context of youth football. The preliminary data showed that natural leadership in youth sport requires a more basic framework of leadership consisting of communication, resources and focus on competition.
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As the Arctic undergoes unprecedented environmental and climate transformations, an urgent call for inclusive governance and intergenerational leadership echoes across the circumpolar region. In January 2024, 29 Emerging Leaders from the Circumpolar Arctic and Subarctic gathered in Northern Norway ahead of the 2024 Arctic Frontiers Conference. This diverse group, with global identities and multi-disciplinary backgrounds spanning science, policy, business, geopolitics, and law, brought together experiences that inspired this paper. We highlight the unique perspectives offered by younger generations and leaders to advocate for changes across a spectrum of critical Arctic issues. Our voices must be present in the decision-making which shapes our future, yet we observe some politicians, diplomats, legal, and business officials engaging in protracted discourse overlooking the urgent realities faced by those most directly impacted.We address the concept of “youthwashing” and offer a critique, as well as actionable recommendations, for fostering inclusive decision-making. We explore the role of youth leadership in Arctic governance across various disciplines and how diverse perspectives are required to better shape Arctic futures. Our concerns encompass the sustainable management of the Arctic’s natural resources, respect and protection of Indigenous rights and Traditional Knowledge, and developing solutions rooted in sustainability, survivance, and justice. As Emerging Leaders, we aspire to create liveable futures for generations to come, challenging the present trajectory set by current senior leadership. In turn, we ensure that while the Arctic is undergoing significant change, it develops in a framework respectful of all generations, ultimately rooted in justice for all Arctic peoples.
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Nu het EU-referendum achter ons ligt, moeten wij toch even - niet teveel - terugkijken naar wat er verkeerd is gegaan. Twee persoonlijke observaties. Wat mij in mijn omgeving allereerst opviel, was dat het nee-stemmen ook vóor het referendum door zoveel mensen, ook hoog opgeleid, openlijk werd gepropageerd. Ook studenten Bestuurskunde, docenten Europese Studies, collega's politicologen en bestuurswetenschappers vertelden, dat het nee-stemmen goed was 'om eens een daad te stellen', zonder veel onderbouwing.
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Camerons “EU à la carte”, Wilders' gewenste in/uit EU-referendum, noordelijke tegen zuidelijke eurolanden, waar gaat het heen met Europa? Solidariteit lijkt een taboe, maar is in wezen revolutionair! [online bijdrage door Margriet Krijtenburg]
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In May 2018, the new Dutch Intelligence and Security Services Act 2017 (Wet op de Inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten, Wiv) will enter into force. It replaces the previous 2002 Act and incorporates many reforms to the information gathering powers of the two intelligence and security services as well as to the accountability and oversight mechanisms. Due to the technologyneutral approach, both the civil and the military intelligence services are now authorized to, for example, intercept communications in bulk, hack third parties, decrypt files, store DNA or use any other future innovative technology. Also, the national security legislation extends the possibilities for the indiscriminate collection of data, and for the processing, storage and analysis thereof. The process leading to the law includes substantial criticism from the various stakeholders involved. Upon publication of this report, an official consultative referendum is being organized on the new act. The aim of this policy brief is to provide an international audience with a comprehensive overview of the most relevant aspects of the act and its context. In addition, there is considerable focus on the checks and balances as well as the bottlenecks of the Dutch intelligence gathering reform. The selection of topics is based on the core issues addressed during the parliamentary debate and on the authors’ insights.
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Ook internationale verdragen lenen zich voor referenda. Nederland kan daarbij leren van andere landen, betogen Joost van den Akker en Koen van der Krieken.
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Dat er in brede kring in Nederland een grote Euroscepsis bestaat, is wel duidelijk. De publieke opinie wil na het referendum van 2005 eigenlijk even niets weten van Europa, hoewel de voor- én tegenstanders van de Europese Grondwet in koor hebben geroepen, dat zij vóór Europa waren. De regering heeft zich vervolgens in de EU-contributiestrijd geworpen, en daar een grote overwinning geboekt.
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Het is hoog tijd dat we referenda, zoals dat over het associatieverdrag EU/Oekraïne, normaal gaan vinden. Ze zijn een nuttige aanvulling op onze parlementaire democratie, meent Joost van den Akker.
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