Presentation given at the online conference Talking the Cyprus Issue Togehter : Maritime Disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean - Session 2
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In January 2020, Greece, the Republic of Cyprus and Israel signed an agreement to construct the EastMed pipeline, a 1900-kilometer undersea pipeline designed to transport gas from the offshore deposits in the Leviathan field of the southeastern Mediterranean to continental Europe. Designed as Project of Common Interest (PCI) by European Commission since 2013, this pipeline aims to diversify the EU’s energy source, potentially reducing reliance on Russian gas. While progress had stalled, the Russian invasion of Ukraine reignited hopes for its construction. Nonetheless, the United States raised doubts about its viability and distanced itself from what it reportedly labeled a “contentious energy scheme”. Our report aims to assess the prospects of the EastMed pipeline, drawing insights from the energy security scenario analysis by the World Energy Council, Shell, and the Clingendael Institute. Beginning with background information on the project’s geological aspects, EU-driven regulatory framework, key stakeholders, and estimated costs, we’ll craft scenarios around three central storylines: 1) Market and Institutions, focusing on stable geopolitics and regional cooperation, 2) Regions and Empires, emphasizing Geopolitical Tensions, and, 3) Environmental Challenges.
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The increasing rate of urbanization along with its socio-environmental impact are major global challenges. Therefore, there is a need to assess the boundaries to growth for the future development of cities by the inclusion of the assessment of the environmental carrying capacity (ECC) into spatial management. The purpose is to assess the resource dependence of a given entity. ECC is usually assessed based on indicators such as the ecological footprint (EF) and biocapacity (BC). EF is a measure of the biologically productive areas demanded by human consumption and waste production. Such areas include the space needed for regenerating food and fibers as well as sequestering the generated pollution, particularly CO2 from the combustion of fossil fuels. BC reflects the biological regeneration potential of a given area to regenerate resources as well to absorb waste. The city level EF assessment has been applied to urban zones across the world, however, there is a noticeable lack of urban EF assessments in Central Eastern Europe. Therefore, the current research is a first estimate of the EF and BC for the city of Wrocław, Poland. This study estimates the Ecological Footprint of Food (EFF) through both a top-down assessment and a hybrid top-down/bottom-up assessment. Thus, this research verifies also if results from hybrid method could be comparable with top-down approach. The bottom-up component of the hybrid analysis calculated the carbon footprint of food using the life cycle assessment (LCA) method. The top-down result ofWrocław’s EFF were 1% greater than the hybrid EFF result, 0.974 and 0.963 gha per person respectively. The result indicated that the EFF exceeded the BC of the city of Wrocław 10-fold. Such assessment support efforts to increase resource efficiency and decrease the risk associated with resources—including food security. Therefore, there is a need to verify if a city is able to satisfy the resource needs of its inhabitants while maintaining the natural capital on which they depend intact. Original article at: https://doi.org/10.3390/resources7030052 © 2018 by the authors. Licensee MDPI.
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Transboundary conservation has an important, yet often undervalued, role in the international conservation regime. When applied to the legally ambiguous and interconnected marine environment this is magnified. The lack of clear guidance for transboundary marine conservation from the international conservation community exacerbates this problem, leaving individual initiatives to develop their own governance arrangements. Yet, well-managed transboundary marine protected areas (MPAs) have the potential to contribute significantly to global conservation aims. Conversely, in a period where there is increasing interest in marine resources and space from all sectors, the designation of MPAs can create or amplify a regional conflict. In some instances, states have used MPAs to extend rights over disputed marine resources, restrict the freedom of others and establish sovereignty over maritime space. Six case studies were taken from Europe, North Africa and the Middle East to illustrate how states have interpreted and utilized different legislative mechanisms to either come together or diverge over the governance of marine resources or maritime space. Each of the case studies illustrates how different actors have used the same legislative tools, but with different interpretations and applications, to justify their claims. It is clear that the role of science combined with a deeper engagement with stakeholders can play a critical role in tempering conflict between states. Where states are willing to cooperate, the absence of clear guidelines at the global level means that often ad hoc measures are put into place, with the international frameworks then playing catch up. Balancing different jurisdictional claims with the conservation of the marine environment, whilst considering the increasing special economic interests will become increasingly difficult. Developing a transboundary conservation tool, such as the simple conservation caveats found in the Barcelona Convention and Antarctic Convention, which allow for the establishment of intergovernmental cooperation without prejudicing any outstanding jurisdictional issue, would provide a framework for the development of individual transboundary MPAs.
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Baseline data on anthropogenic seafloor debris contamination in the year 2000 is provided for 24 submersible video transects at depths of 80–900 m, off the Dutch ABC-islands (Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao), in the southeastern Caribbean Sea. In total, 202 objects were documented from a combined 21,184 m of transect, ranging from sandy lower island-slope to rocky upper island-slope habitat. Debris densities differed significantly with depth. Highest debris accumulation (0.459 items 100 m−2 or 4590 items per km2) occurred at depths of 300–600 m on more shallow-sloping (20–30°) sand and silt bottoms. The overall average debris density was 0.27 objects per 100 m2 (or 2700 items per km2), which is an order of magnitude higher than most other deepwater debris studies. What we describe may be representative for other small, populated, steep volcanic Caribbean islands. Food and beverage-related items were the single largest usage category identified (44% of objects; mostly glass beverage bottles).
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„Der Druck auf die alliierten und deutschen Autoritäten, den Transfer von Kapitalerträgen aus Deutschland zu erlauben, darf den Versuchen, die Exporte nach Deutschland zu erhöhen, definitiv nicht untergeordnet werden“, schrieb der niederländische Ökonom P. J. van den Burg in der ökonomischen Wochenzeitschrift Economisch-Statistische Berichten Anfang 1949.1 Seine Beobachtung war nur zu verständlich: In der niederländischen Politik gegenüber Deutschland bestand eine deutliche Ambivalenz zwischen Versuchen, Vorkriegsvermögen zurückzuerhalten, und den Versuchen, niederländisch-deutsche Handels- und Wirtschaftsbeziehungen wiederherzustellen. In den Niederlanden war dieser Dualismus besonders akut, weil Deutschland, seit dem späten 19.Jahrhundert die dominante Wirtschaftsmacht Kontinentaleuropas, seit etwa 1850 der wichtigste Handelspartner der Niederlande gewesen war.2 Zudem hatten niederländische Unternehmen, Banken und Privatpersonen in der ersten Dekade nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg in Deutschland im Allgemeinen und im Ruhrgebiet im Besonderen große Investitionen getätigt. Jedoch verloren niederländische Eigentümer und Firmen 1931, als die Konvertibilität der Reichsmark aufgegeben wurde, die Kontrolle über ihre Besitzungen und Investitionen im Dritten Reich. Die deutsche Besetzung der Niederlande zwischen 1940 und 1945 verschlimmerte diesen Zustand noch. https://doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2018-0035 LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/martijn-lak-71793013/
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Global climate change is resulting in a wide range of biotic responses, including changes in diel activity and seasonal phenology patterns, range shifts polewards in each hemisphere and/or to higher elevations, and altered intensity and frequency of interactions between species in ecosystems.Oak (Thaumetopoea processionea) and pine (T. pityocampa) processionary moths (hereafter OPM and PPM, respectively) are thermophilic species that are native to central and southern Europe. The larvae of both species are gregarious and produce large silken ‘nests’ that they use to congregate when not feeding. During outbreaks, processionary caterpillars are capable of stripping foliage from theirfood plants (oak and pine trees), generating considerable economic damage. Moreover, the third to last instar caterpillars of both species produce copious hairs as a means of defence against naturalenemies, including both vertebrate and invertebrate predators, and parasitoids. These hairs contain the toxin thaumetopoein that causes strong allergic reactions when it comes into contact with humanskin or other membranes. In response to a warming climate, PPM is expanding its range northwards, while OPM outbreaks are increasing in frequency and intensity, particularly in northern Germany,the Netherlands, and southern U.K., where it was either absent or rare previously. Here, we discuss how warming and escape from co-evolved natural enemies has benefitted both species, and suggest possible strategies for biological control.
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Like most ocean regions today, the European and contiguous seas experience cumulative impacts from local human activities and global pressures. They are largely in poor environmental condition with deteriorating trends. Despite several success stories, European policies for marine conservation fall short of being effective. Acknowledging the challenges for marine conservation, a 4-year multi-national network, MarCons, supported collaborative marine conservation efforts to bridge the gap between science, management and policy, aiming to contribute in reversing present negative trends. By consolidating a large network of more than 100 scientists from 26 countries, and conducting a series of workshops over 4 years (2016–2020), MarCons analyzed challenges, opportunities and obstacles for advancing marine conservation in the European and contiguous seas. Here, we synthesize the major issues that emerged from this analysis and make 12 key recommendations for policy makers, marine managers, and researchers. To increase the effectiveness of marine conservation planning, we recommend (1) designing coherent networks of marine protected areas (MPAs) in the framework of marine spatial planning (MSP) and applying systematic conservation planning principles, including re-evaluation of existing management zones, (2) designing MPA networks within a broader transboundary planning framework, and (3) implementing integrated land-freshwater-sea approaches. To address inadequate or poorly informed management, we recommend (4) developing and implementing adaptive management plans in all sites of the Natura 2000 European conservation network and revising the Natura 2000 framework, (5) embedding and implementing cumulative effects assessments into a risk management process and making them operational, and (6) promoting actions to reach ‘good environmental status’ in all European waters. To account for global change in conservation planning and management, we further recommend (7) developing conservation strategies to address the impacts of global change, for example identifying climate-change refugia as high priority conservation areas, and (8) incorporating biological invasions in conservation plans and prioritizing management actions to control invasive species. Finally, to improve current practices that may compromise the effectiveness of conservation actions, we recommend (9) reinforcing the collection of high-quality open-access data, (10) improving mechanisms for public participation in MPA planning and management, (11) prioritizing conservation goals in full collaboration with stakeholders, and (12) addressing gender inequality in marine sciences and conservation.
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In January 2017, relations between Greece and Turkey were under severe strain when warships from both sides engaged in a brief standoff near a pair of uninhabited Greek ‘islets’ in the Aegean, whose sovereignty is disputed by Turkey. Theoretically informed by the literature of foreign policy analysis, we examine how the Greek diplomats, military officers and political analysts interpreted Turkey’s behaviour at that particular time. The article considers the following research question: which factors, from a Greek point of view, explain Turkey’s foreign policy in the Aegean in January 2017? Our theoretical expectation is that, in the aftermath of the coup attempt in Turkey, Greek diplomats, military officers and political analysts would ascribe domestic calculations into Turkey’s activities. We employed Q- methodology to uncover socially shared perspectives on this topic. Based on our findings, we uncovered two viewpoints: (1) Turkey’s diachronic strategy in the Aegean and (2) the strongman style. According to the former and most widely shared viewpoint, a consistent ‘rationalist’ strategy to change the status quo in the Aegean explains Turkey’s behaviour. According to the second one, the belief system of Turkey’s leadership legitimises the use of force in the conduct of foreign policy.
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De ontwikkelingen in de Arabische regio gaan momenteel erg snel, waardoor sommige informatie in dit rapport bij het lezen mogelijk al is achterhaald door de actualiteit. De AIV meent dat de politieke omwentelingen in de Arabische regio belangrijke kansen bieden voor een betere, meer op rechtsstaat en democratie gerichte omgang van westerse landen met autocratische regimes die verantwoordelijk zijn voor ernstige schendingen van mensenrechten. Weliswaar nopen zwaarwegende geopolitieke belangen tot het onderhouden van diplomatieke betrekkingen met autocratische regimes, maar dialoog en (beperkte) samenwerking op regeringsniveau mogen niet ten koste gaan van de ondersteuning van hervormingsgezinden en het maatschappelijk middenveld in die landen. Teveel hebben westerse regeringen zich in het verleden geïdentificeerd met autoritaire regimes, op basis van de onjuist gebleken veronderstelling dat dergelijke regimes voor politieke stabiliteit zouden kunnen zorgen. Ook nu is er het gevaar dat het beleid van westerse landen wordt beheerst door een taxatie van de overlevingskansen van een autocratisch regime, los van de vraag wat in het belang is van respectering van de rechten van de mens en de democratische en sociaaleconomische aspiraties van de bevolking. De AIV is van oordeel dat de Nederlandse regering zich niet moet laten gijzelen door de angst dat radicale islamitische groeperingen een greep naar de macht doen. De kans daarop neemt eerder toe dan af door een politiek van – al dan niet heimelijke – steun aan regimes die blijvend vervreemd zijn geraakt van de legitieme eisen van de burgers in de Arabische samenlevingen. De AIV concludeert dat de recente ontwikkelingen in Tunesië, Egypte en andere Arabische landen het belang onderstrepen van een gerichte versterking van het maatschappelijk middenveld (politieke partijen, maatschappelijke organisaties en vakbonden). De opbouw van een krachtig maatschappelijk middenveld vergt een lange adem, maar sorteert uiteindelijk het meeste effect bij het bevorderen van vrijheid, gerechtigheid en democratie. De AIV merkt op dat zowel Nederland als de EU reeds beschikken over passende beleidsinstrumenten ter versterking van de civil society. Echter, vooral de EU heeft in het recente verleden verzuimd de instrumenten uit het Europees Nabuurschapsbeleid (ENB) op de juiste wijze toe te passen. Zo heeft de Unie in de politieke dialoog met zuidelijke buurstaten onvoldoende nadruk gelegd op de onvolkomenheden (of zelfs afwezigheid) van de rechtsstaat en de ontwikkeling van een onafhankelijke particuliere sector die gevrijwaard is van politieke beïnvloeding. De opkomst van hervormingsbewegingen in verschillende Arabische landen verschaft de EU nieuwe kansen. Nederland beschikt met het Mensenrechtenfonds en het Fonds Ontwikkeling Pluriformiteit en Participatie in islamitische landen over passende bilaterale hulpinstrumenten waarmee een stem gegeven kan worden aan maatschappelijke organisaties die het huidige transitieproces in de Arabische regio kunnen dragen. De AIV meent echter dat investeringen in additionele expertise en analysecapaciteit noodzakelijk zijn om de regering goed te kunnen adviseren over mogelijke Nederlandse bijdragen aan versterking van de civil society in de Arabische regio. Voldoende analysecapaciteit op ambassades in de regio en nauwere samenwerking van de regering met (Nederlandse) NGO’s, instellingen voor capaciteitsopbouw van politieke partijen en de vakbeweging zijn het meest doelmatig om in deze behoefte aan expertise en analysecapaciteit te voorzien [tot besluit - conclusie van een rapport uitgebracht door commissie onder voorzitterschap van F. Korthals Altes]
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