BackgroundGiven the importance of the first 1000 days of a child’s life in terms of laying the foundations for healthy growth and development, parents are a logical target group for supporting health-related practices with regard to young children. However, little attention is paid to the influence of the wider social community on the health and development of young children during this crucial period. This includes grandmothers, who often have a significant influence on health-related practices of their grandchildren. The aim of this study was therefore to explore the influence of grandmothers on health related practices of their grandchildren during the first 1000 days, from the perspectives of both grandmothers and mothers with a Turkish background.MethodThis qualitative study in the Netherlands collected data during focus group discussions with grandmothers (N = 3), interviews with grandmothers (N = 18) and interviews with mothers (N = 16), all with a Turkish background. Data was collected in the period between June 2019 and April 2021 and analysed using a thematic content analysis.ResultsThe influence of grandmothers and the wider social community on health related practices during the first 1000 days of a child’s life is substantial and self-evident. The support of grandmothers is often rooted in various socio-cultural norms and practices. The mothers of young children can experience the guidance and pressure they receive from grandmothers and the wider social community as quite stressful. Conflicting views and practices tend to arise between grandmothers and mothers when a grandmother babysits. Both mothers and grandmothers often find it difficult to discuss these differences openly, for fear this might lead to a family conflict.ConclusionThis study shows that grandmothers and the wider social community play an influential role in supporting a healthy first 1000 days of a child’s life. The strong involvement of grandmothers may lead to tension between the mothers and grandmothers when their ideas about healthy practices are not in agreement and may lead to unhealthy practices. In targeting this wider social community, it is important to consider the various socio-cultural factors that underlie the advice, support, practices and beliefs of the individuals involved.
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Knowledge of child development influences parental expectations of, and interactions with, children. Studies have shown that maternal knowledge supports cognitive and social–emotional development of young children and can have long-lasting benefits. Level of developmental knowledge of parents and grandparents has seldom been investigated on a population level. Our aim was to compare Canadian and Dutch samples of urban parents and grandparents in terms of normative knowledge of children’s cognitive and social–emotional development. Urban parents (n = 379) and grandparents (n = 174) from the province of Alberta, Canada (N = 553) and parents (n = 634) and grandparents (n = 96) of the city of The Hague in the Netherlands (N = 730) answered questions related to knowledge of cognitive and social–emotional development of young children, including topics such as “do children have stronger bonds with parents who stay at home instead of working outside the home?” and “do children learn more from hearing someone in the same room talk than hearing someone on TV?” Overall, the Canadian respondents were more likely to answer these questions correctly. In both samples, women were more likely than men to answer correctly. No significant relationship between age or role (parent or grandparent) and knowledge was identified, but there was a positive correlation between knowledge and level of education. Little is known about international differences in caregivers’ knowledge about normative child development. This study suggests that differences exist. Understanding differences between countries in parental knowledge may provide insight into cross-cultural variability in child behavioral and developmental outcomes. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244018777027
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