The ‘Grand Challenges’ of our times, like climate change, resource depletion, global inequity, and the destruction of wildlife and biodiversity can only be addressed by innovating cities. Despite the options of tele-working, tele-trading and tele-amusing, that allow people to participate in ever more activities, wherever they are, people are resettling in cities at an unprecedented speed. The forecasted ‘rurification’ of society did not occur. Technological development has drained rural society from its main source of income, agriculture, as only a marginal fraction of the labour force is employed in agriculture in the rich parts of the world. Moreover, technological innovation created new jobs in the IT and service sectors in cities. Cities are potentially far more resource efficient than rural areas. In a city transport distances are shorter, infrastructures can be applied to provide for essential services in a more efficient way and symbiosis might be developed between various infrastructures. However, in practice, urban infrastructures are not more efficient than rural infrastructures. This paper explores the reasons why. It digs into the reasons why the symbiotic options that are available in cities are not (sufficiently) utilised. The main reason for this is not of an economic nature: Infrastructure organisations are run by experts who are part of a strong paradigmatic community. Dependence on other organisations is regarded as limiting the infrastructure organisation’s freedom of action to achieve its own goals. Expert cultures are transferred in education, professional associations, and institutional arrangements. By 3 concrete examples of urban systems, the paper will analyse how various paradigms of experts co-evolved with evolving systems. The paper reflects on recent studies that identified professional education as the initiation into such expert paradigms. It will thereby relate lack of urban innovation to the monodisciplinary education of experts and the strong institutionalised character of expertise. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63007-6_43 LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/karelmulder/
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There is a clear demand for a collaborative knowledge-sharing on climate adaptation and mitigation. The aim of most climate adaptation platforms is (inter)national knowledge exchange and raising awareness about climate adaptation in urban areas and promote solutions such as Nature-based solutions (NBS) and floating infrastructure. However their multiple benefits are often unknown to the wider public. During seminars (February 2020) in Indonesia climate adaptation measures where mapped and the relevance of the climate adaption platforms such as ClimateScan was evaluated by the means of workshops and a survey. The platform ClimateScan holds now over 5000 locations in 5 main categories of climate adaptation (water, nature, agriculture, energy and people). The conclusions from the workshops in Semarang and Surabaya show high relevance scores for NBS: permeable pavement and swales; for infiltration of stormwater to groundwater; for mitigation of high temperatures with heat stress measures; and flood barriers to mitigate flooding. There were low scores for floating urbanization because this is not a culturally accepted practice in contradiction to other parts of the world. Indonesian floating infrastructure as a floating library, restaurant and airport terminal where mapped during workshops bringing the total of international floating structure locations to 150. The workshops have raised awareness among participants and contributed to capacity building by empowering the participants to map and review climate adaptation measures. A high majority see the value of climate adaptation platforms and will use it in the future.
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Urban ageing is an emerging domain that deals with the population of older people living in cities. The ageing of society is a positive yet challenging phenomenon, as population ageing and urbanisation are the culmination of successful human development. One could argue whether the city environment is an ideal place for people to grow old and live at an old age compared to rural areas. This viewpoint article explores and describes the challenges that are encountered when making cities age-friendly in Europe. Such challenges include the creation of inclusive neighbourhoods and the implementation of technology for ageing-in-place. Examples from projects in two age-friendly cities in The Netherlands (The Hague) and Poland (Cracow) are shown to illustrate the potential of making cities more tuned to the needs of older people and identify important challenges for the next couple of years. Overall, the global ageing of urban populations calls for more age-friendly approaches to be implemented in our cities. It is a challenge to prepare for these developments in such a way that both current and future generations of older people can benefit from age-friendly strategies. CC-BY Original article: https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph15112473 https://www.dehaagsehogeschool.nl/onderzoek/lectoraten/details/urban-ageing#over-het-lectoraat
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The Global Urban Lectures are 15-minute lectures on themes related to sustainable urbanisation, delivered by renowned experts, UN-Habitat partners and UN-Habitat staff. The lectures have been ranked among the best MOOCs (Massive Open Online Courses) on cities.
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The crossroads of living in cities on the one hand and ageing of the population on the other is studied in an interdisciplinary field of research called urban ageing (van Hoof and Kazak 2018, van Hoof et al. 2018). People live longer and in better health than ever before in Europe. Despite all the positive aspects of population ageing, it poses many challenges. The interaction of population ageing and urbanisation raises issues in various domains of urban living (Phillipson and Buffel 2016). According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD 2015), the population share of those of 65 years old is expected to climb to 25.1% in 2050 in its member states. Cities in particular have large numbers of older inhabitants and are home to 43.2% of this older population. The need to develop supportive urban communities are major issues for public policy to understand the relationship between population ageing and urban change (Buffel and Phillipson 2016). Plouffe and Kalache (2010) see older citizens as a precious resource, but in order to tap the full potential these people represent for continued human development (Zaidi et al. 2013), the world’s cities must ensure their inclusion and full access to urban spaces, structures, and services. Therefore, cities are called upon to complement the efforts of national governments to address the consequences of the unprecedented demographic shift (OECD 2015). Additionally, at the city level there is a belief to understand the requirements and preferences of local communities (OECD 2015). An important question in relation to urban ageing is what exactly makes a city age-friendly (Alley et al. 2007, Lui et al. 2009, Plouffe and Kalache 2010, Steels 2015, Moulaert and Garon 2016, Age Platform Europe 2018)? Another relevant question is which factors allow some older people in cities to thrive, while others find it hard to cope with the struggles of daily life? This chapter explores and describes which elements and factors make cities age-friendly, for instance, on the neighbourhood level and in relation to technology for older people.
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Crustumerium was an Iron Age settlement north of Rome, inhabited between 850 and 500 BC. On the basis of archaeological field surveys in the 1970’s a scenario for the development of the city and its countryside was proposed, which matches traditional models of city-state formation. However, little attention was paid to the fact that the local archaeology has been substantially disturbed by nearly a century of mechanized agricultural exploitation. A new analysis of existing and new data, in which the effects of erosion are also considered, now shows that alternative interpretations, which do not assume the maximum urbanisation of the ancient settlement area, are feasible. For the rural area directly surrounding Crustumerium, new analyses of data similarly open up new avenues of interpretation. Here, recent research indicates that a major increase of rural activity (ruralisation) can be placed in the Roman period, long after the abandonment of Crustumerium. The prevailing idea based on legacy data, however, is that intensive ruralisation already took place during the reign of Crustumerium, and that the countryside fell in disuse afterwards.This new study shows that the search for pre-Roman remains in a Roman landscape is very problematic and that new angles of interpretation are needed to review the development of the city and country of Crustumerium. By doing so, the study also questions existing ideas of the urbanisation and ruralisation of ancient city-states in a broader sense.
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Cities are constantly in transition. Spatial production worldwide is generated by governments, business, developers, informal settlers, et cetera; sometimes cities expand, but increasingly there is a process of reurbanisation of existing urban patterns contronted with deterioration, dysfunctionality, or obsolescence. In many situations, funding, power and technology determine how the course of urbanisation. Communities, groups and individuals with limited access to funding, power and technology need empowerment to exercise their right to shape and improve their own evironment, while respecting health, equity and ecology. The research centre for Smart Urban Redesign (SURD) at Zuyd University of Applied Sciences seeks to work on this empowerment for communities. This study presents SURD’s approach to neighbourhood revitalisation.
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Background Variations in childbirth interventions may indicate inappropriate use. Most variation studies are limited by the lack of adjustments for maternal characteristics and do not investigate variations in adverse outcomes. This study aims to explore regional variations in the Netherlands and their correlations with referral rates, birthplace, interventions, and adverse outcomes, adjusted for maternal characteristics. Methods In this nationwide retrospective cohort study, using a national data register, intervention rates were analysed between twelve regions among single childbirths after 37 weeks’ gestation in 2010–2013 (n = 614,730). These were adjusted for maternal characteristics using multivariable logistic regression. Primary outcomes were intrapartum referral, birthplace, and interventions used in midwife- and obstetrician-led care. Correlations both between primary outcomes and between adverse outcomes were calculated with Spearman’s rank correlations. Findings Intrapartum referral rates varied between 55–68% (nulliparous) and 20–32% (multiparous women), with a negative correlation with receiving midwife-led care at the onset of labour in two-thirds of the regions. Regions with higher referral rates had higher rates of severe postpartum haemorrhages. Rates of home birth varied between 6–16% (nulliparous) and 16–31% (multiparous), and was negatively correlated with episiotomy and postpartum oxytocin rates. Among midwife-led births, episiotomy rates varied between 14–42% (nulliparous) and 3–13% (multiparous) and in obstetrician-led births from 46–67% and 14–28% respectively. Rates of postpartum oxytocin varied between 59–88% (nulliparous) and 50–85% (multiparous) and artificial rupture of membranes between 43–52% and 54–61% respectively. A north-south gradient was visible with regard to birthplace, episiotomy, and oxytocin. Conclusions Our study suggests that attitudes towards interventions vary, independent of maternal characteristics. Care providers and policy makers need to be aware of reducing unwarranted variation in birthplace, episiotomy and the postpartum use of oxytocin. Further research is needed to identify explanations and explore ways to reduce unwarranted intervention rates.
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Vertical urbanisation is perceived as necessary to accommodate a growing population but is associated with severe risks for human well-being. It requires a profound understanding of how archi-tectural designs can ensure visually readable and liveable environments before it has been built. How-ever, current digital representation techniques fail to address the diverse interests of non-experts. Emerging biometric technologies may deliver the missing user information to involve (future) inhabit-ants at different stages of the planning process. The study aims to gain insight into how non-experts (visually) experience 3D city visualizations of designed urban areas. In two laboratory studies, univer-sity students were randomly assigned to view a set of the same level of detail images from one of two planned urban area developments in the Netherlands. Using eye-tracking technology, the visual behav-iour metrics of fixation count and duration and general eye-movement patterns were recorded for each image, followed by a short survey. The results show how visual behaviour and perception are remark-ably similar across different detail levels, implying that 3D visualizations of planned urban develop-ments can be examined by non-experts much earlier in the design process than previously thought.
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Until recently, we separated farmers and urban communities. Each had their own ministries, policy plans, cultures, knowledge and education institutes and even political parties. Now we accept that this division is gone in the Netherlands. Rural areas ceased to exist, and urbanity was found everywhere. Former rural areas were transformed into green spaces inside metropolitan areas. Farmers and peaceful villages woke up and saw themselves surrounded by cities. Even more: city dwellers became their neighbours. The time has come that we look upon farming and urbanised areas as an integrated system.
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