Our ageing population is the result of two demographic trends: decreasing fertility levels and higher life expectancy. As a corollary to these demographic trends, the working population is ageing and shrinking at the same time. This development will affect the performance of organizations in the next decades. As today‟s economy and the performance of organizations is mainly based on knowledge, the ageing workforce will mainly affect the organizations ability to be knowledge productive. As current knowledge management (KM) and intellectual capital (IC) literature hardly addresses the issue of ageing, the aim of this paper is to explore this topic in order to formulate an agenda for further KM/IC research. Combining the temporary consequences of ageing (brain drain and talent gap) and the false assumptions about the capabilities of older workers (older workers contribute negatively to a firm‟s performance), the current ageing of the working population reveals two main risks for organizations and management: underutilization of older employees, and loss of knowledge. Based on the exploration of these two risks in this paper, several issues are proposed for further research. These issues focus on the specific competences of the older knowledge worker, the implications for talent development programs, the benefits of inter-generational learning, and effectiveness of knowledge retention strategies. Today, the main fear is that large scale retirement will lead to a shortage of skills, talents, knowledge. Although acknowlegding the risks and threats of this brain drain, the current temporary ageing of our workforce might also contribute to a structural better valuation of the potential of the older knowledge worker and its specific contribution to the process of knowledge creation. In an ageing knowledge economy, increased understanding about the abilities and distinct qualities of older workers will provide opportunities for organizations to enhance knowledge productivity and thus gain competitiveness.
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Ook uit internationaal wetenschappelijk onderzoek blijkt dat er verschillen zijn tussen ouderen in de stad en op het platteland [3-5]. In de rijke delen van de Europese Unie hebben ouderen in de landelijke gebieden een hogere levenstevredenheid dan in de stad. Mensen lijken tevreden in een dorp, wellicht omdat het verwachtingspatroon geringer is. Als het op veroudering aankomt, biedt de hogere dichtheid van de stad een grotere nabijheid tot allerlei diensten die de kwaliteit van leven van ouderen vergroten. Door specifieke economische factoren kunnen deze diensten niet in dezelfde mate worden aangeboden in landelijke gebieden [6]. Woonomstandigheden, zo blijkt uit onderzoek [7], zijn beter voor onze ouderen in de stad dan op het platteland, hoewel de verschillen niet zo uitgesproken groot zijn. En dan heb je nog de gesegregeerde woonwijken voor ouderen, zoals in de Verenigde Staten. Denk daarbij aan Sun City Arizona en The Villages in Florida [8, 9]. Deze wijken bieden een eenheidsworst en zonderen ouderen af in een cocon van geboden comfort, waarbij zij verdwijnen uit het reguliere straatbeeld van omliggende steden. Een in vrijheid gekozen gevangenschap. Een echte seniorvriendelijke stad is een generatievriendelijke stad zoals u wilt, waar niet alleen ruimte is voor één generatie, maar voor alle generaties: van wieg tot graf.
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The crossroads of living in cities on the one hand and ageing of the population on the other is studied in an interdisciplinary field of research called urban ageing (van Hoof and Kazak 2018, van Hoof et al. 2018). People live longer and in better health than ever before in Europe. Despite all the positive aspects of population ageing, it poses many challenges. The interaction of population ageing and urbanisation raises issues in various domains of urban living (Phillipson and Buffel 2016). According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD 2015), the population share of those of 65 years old is expected to climb to 25.1% in 2050 in its member states. Cities in particular have large numbers of older inhabitants and are home to 43.2% of this older population. The need to develop supportive urban communities are major issues for public policy to understand the relationship between population ageing and urban change (Buffel and Phillipson 2016). Plouffe and Kalache (2010) see older citizens as a precious resource, but in order to tap the full potential these people represent for continued human development (Zaidi et al. 2013), the world’s cities must ensure their inclusion and full access to urban spaces, structures, and services. Therefore, cities are called upon to complement the efforts of national governments to address the consequences of the unprecedented demographic shift (OECD 2015). Additionally, at the city level there is a belief to understand the requirements and preferences of local communities (OECD 2015). An important question in relation to urban ageing is what exactly makes a city age-friendly (Alley et al. 2007, Lui et al. 2009, Plouffe and Kalache 2010, Steels 2015, Moulaert and Garon 2016, Age Platform Europe 2018)? Another relevant question is which factors allow some older people in cities to thrive, while others find it hard to cope with the struggles of daily life? This chapter explores and describes which elements and factors make cities age-friendly, for instance, on the neighbourhood level and in relation to technology for older people.
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