‘The fear of crime’ is “upon everybody’s tongue” nowadays (Farrall & Gadd 2004:1). The concept is widely accepted as social problem across the globe (Gray, Jackson & Farrall 2008, Garland 2001) as it is held to impinge ‘(…) upon the well-being of a large proportion of the population’ (Farralll et al. 1997:658). But do we actually have a valid picture of a genuine ‘social problem of striking dimensions’ (Ditton 1999:83)? Critical voices say we don’t. ‘The fear of crime’ - as we generally know it - is seen by them as ‘(…) a product of the way it has been researched rather than the way it is’ (Farrall et al. 1997:658). And still, 45 years after the start of research, ‘surprisingly little can be said conclusively about the fear of crime‘ (Ditton & Farrall 2000:xxi). This research contributes to a growing body of knowledge - from especially the last fifteen years - that treats ‘the fear of crime’ as ‘(…) a complex allocation of interacting feelings, perceptions, emotions, values and judgments on the personal as well as the societal level’ (Pleysier 2010:43). One often replicated and paradoxical observation catches the eye: citizens perceive a growing threat of crime to their society, but consequently perceive a low risk that they themselves will fall victim of crime. Taking a social psychological approach (e.g. see Farrall et al. 2000; Jackson 2008), we will search for suitable explanations for this paradoxical observation in the fear of crime’s research tradition. The aim of this research is ‘to integrate social psychological concepts related to the individual’s identity and evaluation of his position in an increasingly complex society, to enhance our understanding of the fear of crime concept’ (Pleysier & Cops 2016:3).
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Although many countries have shown a distinct drop in crime over the last decades, the criminological literature suggests that fear of crime in those countries remained relatively stable. Research on this issue is sparse however, mostly confined to a single country, a few indicators and/or a relatively short timeframe. For this chapter 1,100 data series on fear of crime related items from (supra)national surveys were collected, covering 121 countries and more than 25 years (1989-2015). Using these data, a first prototype for an International Fear of Crime Trend Index was developed. Used on the five UN-regions with the highest average amount of data series per country, the index shows a pronounced fear drop in four of the five regions: all of them in Europe and the Anglo-Saxon countries. Explanations for these fear drops are hypothesized and directions for further research are formulated.
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De veiligheidsbeleving van burgers is lastig in kaart te brengen. De International Fear of Crime Trend Index brengt nu een betrouwbaar inzicht dichterbij. Nu zien we dat de veiligheidsbeleving in Nederland zich al langere tijd positief ontwikkelt, een verbetering die de ‘fear drop’ heet.
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Marnix Eysink Smeets constateert dat de veiligheidsbeleving van het publiek al langer hoog op de politieke agenda staat. Criminologisch onderzoek op dit terrein heeft veel inzichten opgeleverd in operationalisering, meetmethoden en determinanten van angst voor criminaliteit. Maar over mechanismen, trends, effecten en beïnvloedbaarheid is veel minder bekend. Daarnaast valt op dat veel onderzoekers eenzijdig gericht zijn op de ‘traditionele’ angst voor criminaliteit, terwijl zich inmiddels nieuwe misdrijven en dreigingen hebben gemanifesteerd.
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Although the prevalence of cybercrime has increased rapidly, most victims do not report these offenses to the police. This is the first study that compares associations between victim characteristics and crime reporting behavior for traditional crimes versus cybercrimes. Data from four waves of a Dutch cross-sectional population survey are used (N = 97,186 victims). Results show that cybercrimes are among the least reported types of crime. Moreover, the determinants of crime reporting differ between traditional crimes and cybercrimes, between different types of cybercrime (that is, identity theft, consumer fraud, hacking), and between reporting cybercrimes to the police and to other organizations. Implications for future research and practice are discussed. doi: https://doi.org/10.1177/1477370818773610 This article is honored with the European Society of Criminology (ESC) Award for the “Best Article of the Year 2019”. Dit artikel is bekroond met de European Society of Criminology (ESC) Award for the “Best Article of the Year 2019”.
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The transition from adolescence to adulthood also has been described as a window of opportunity or vulnerability when developmental and contextual changes converge to support positive turnarounds and redirections (Masten, Long, Kuo, McCormick, & Desjardins, 2009; Masten, Obradović, & Burt, 2006). The transition years also are a criminological crossroads, as major changes in criminal careers often occur at these ages as well. For some who began their criminal careers during adolescence, offending continues and escalates; for others involvement in crime wanes; and yet others only begin serious involvement in crime at these ages. There are distinctive patterns of offending that emerge during the transition from adolescence to adulthood. One shows a rise of offending in adolescence and the persistence of high crime rates into adulthood; a second reflects the overall age-crime curve pattern of increasing offending in adolescence followed by decreases during the transition years; and the third group shows a late onset of offending relative to the age-crime curve. Developmental theories of offending ought to be able to explain these markedly different trajectories
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Het is common knowledge dat feitelijke onveiligheid en onveiligheidsbeleving niet zonder meer hetzelfde zijn. In de beleving van onveiligheid spelen allerlei factoren een rol die verder gaan dan de concrete problemen van criminaliteit, overlast en antisociaal gedrag. Dat maakt het een lastig te duiden fenomeen, voor de wetenschap, maar ook voor de politiek. En dat terwijl onveiligheidsbeleving een grote rol speelt in het maatschappelijk debat. Politici zijn doodsbenauwd onvoldoende gehoor te geven aan de roep om veiligheid. Ook in overheidsbeleid is men meer gaan koersen op de maatschappelijke onveiligheidsbeleving (Van den Herrewegen 2011). Het valt echter te betwijfelen of men deze gemakkelijk kan beïnvloeden (Terpstra en van der Vijver 2005). De culturele dimensies van onveiligheid, zoals”angsten, wantrouwen, emoties, behoefte aan vertrouwen en bescherming” (Terpstra 2009, p. 123) verander je niet zo snel. Onveiligheidsbeleving lijkt met andere woorden een referentiepunt zonder vaste coördinaten, en dat maakt het koersen erop tot een hachelijke zaak. In het wetenschappelijk onderzoek zijn tal van factoren in kaart gebracht die een rol spelen in de beleving van onveiligheid, zoals eerdere slachtofferervaringen, omgevingsfactoren en persoonlijkheidstrekken (bijvoorbeeld Hale 1996). Er is echter kritiek op deze voornamelijk kwantitatieve onderzoekstraditie omdat zich deze “hult in conceptuele onduidelijkheid en uitblinkt in ad-hoc operationaliseringen” (Pleysier 2010, p. 33). Het multi-dimensionale karakter van onveiligheidsbeleving maakt operationalisatie tot een complexe aangelegenheid. Ondanks de grote wetenschappelijke aandacht,“surprisingly little can be said conclusively about the fear of crime”(Ditton en Farrall 2000, p. xxi). Men zou vooral repeterend in plaats van cumulatief te werk zijn gegaan, waardoor veel lacunes in de wetenschap zijn achtergebleven (Pleysier 2010).
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Current research on data in policy has primarily focused on street-level bureaucrats, neglecting the changes in the work of policy advisors. This research fills this gap by presenting an explorative theoretical understanding of the integration of data, local knowledge and professional expertise in the work of policy advisors. The theoretical perspective we develop builds upon Vickers’s (1995, The Art of Judgment: A Study of Policy Making, Centenary Edition, SAGE) judgments in policymaking. Empirically, we present a case study of a Dutch law enforcement network for preventing and reducing organized crime. Based on interviews, observations, and documents collected in a 13-month ethnographic fieldwork period, we study how policy advisors within this network make their judgments. In contrast with the idea of data as a rationalizing force, our study reveals that how data sources are selected and analyzed for judgments is very much shaped by the existing local and expert knowledge of policy advisors. The weight given to data is highly situational: we found that policy advisors welcome data in scoping the policy issue, but for judgments more closely connected to actual policy interventions, data are given limited value.
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The relationship between socioeconomic factors and crime is a classic theme in criminological literature. However, the relationship between debt and crime is still unclear, and little is known about the causality of this relationship and the factors that influence it. In addition, effective interventions and guidelines to adequately support offenders with debt are limited. Therefore, this thesis aims to systematically gain more insight into the factors that influence the relationship between debt and crime among probation clients and to contribute to developing tools that probation officers and other forensic social professionals can use to support clients with debt adequately. The relationship between debt and crime was studied by (1) a systematic and scoping literature review (5 studies were included in the systematic review and 24 studies in the scoping review), (2) a client file study including risk assessment data of a sample of 250 Dutch probation clients, (3) a quantitative study including recidivism data of the same sample of 250 Dutch probation clients, (4) interviews with 33 Dutch probation officers and 16 clients, and (5) a multiple case study focusing on working elements in the supervision of individual offenders (5 cases). The results show that debt is prevalent among probation clients, hinders resocialization, and increases recidivism risk. Debt and crime are not only related directly but are also related by a complex interplay of problems in different life domains, such as problems regarding childhood, education and work, and mental and physical health. Notwithstanding the strong relationship between debt and crime, financial assistance for probation clients with debts is limited. As debt is strongly related to problems in other life domains, a systematic collaboration between professionals of different disciplines is necessary to support clients with debt adequately.
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Little research exists on what works in the supervision of offenders with debt problems. This qualitative study aims to provide insight into the barriers probation officers and clients experience during supervision regarding debt and the support that clients need. Interviews were conducted with 33 Dutch probation officers and 16 clients. The results show that debt often negatively influences clients’ lives and hinders their resocialization. Probation officers lack effective methods to support clients with debt problems. To adequately help clients with debt problems, probation officers should obtain more knowledge about effective interventions and collaborate more closely with debt specialists from the probation supervision outset.
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