The transition from adolescence to adulthood also has been described as a window of opportunity or vulnerability when developmental and contextual changes converge to support positive turnarounds and redirections (Masten, Long, Kuo, McCormick, & Desjardins, 2009; Masten, Obradović, & Burt, 2006). The transition years also are a criminological crossroads, as major changes in criminal careers often occur at these ages as well. For some who began their criminal careers during adolescence, offending continues and escalates; for others involvement in crime wanes; and yet others only begin serious involvement in crime at these ages. There are distinctive patterns of offending that emerge during the transition from adolescence to adulthood. One shows a rise of offending in adolescence and the persistence of high crime rates into adulthood; a second reflects the overall age-crime curve pattern of increasing offending in adolescence followed by decreases during the transition years; and the third group shows a late onset of offending relative to the age-crime curve. Developmental theories of offending ought to be able to explain these markedly different trajectories
DOCUMENT
The present study aims at understanding how individuals engage in organized crime activities. Processes responsible for organized crime involvement are still poorly understood, particularly for those who become engaged only later in life. In-depth interviews with 16 inmates, all convicted of participation in organized crime and incarcerated in Dutch prisons, illuminate how individuals at different life stages become involved in crime in general, and in organized crime activities in particular. Most participants we interviewed turn out to have experienced an adult onset in crime. Their involvement mechanisms are analysed and compared with mechanisms applicable to offenders with an early start in crime. It was found that offenders with an early start in crime have a wealth of opportunities and criminal contacts, whereas individuals who become involved in crime later in life are exposed to crime opportunities in conventional settings.
DOCUMENT
The past two decades, a disproportionate growth of females entering the criminal justice system and forensic mental health services has been observed worldwide. However, there is a lack of knowledge on the background of women who are convicted for violent offenses. What is their criminal history, what are their motives for offending and in which way do they differ from men convicted for violent offenses? In this study, criminal histories and the offenses for which they were admitted to forensic care were analyzed of 218 women and 218 men who have been treated between 1984 and 2014 with a mandatory treatment order in one of four Dutch forensic psychiatric settings admitting both men and women. It is concluded that there are important differences in violent offending between male and female patients. Most importantly, female violence was more often directed towards their close environment, like their children, and driven by relational frustration. Furthermore, female patients received lower punishments compared to male patients and were more often considered to be diminished accountable for their offenses due to a mental illness.
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