Journalist Perdiep Ramesar kreeg de wacht aangezegd bij Trouw omdat hij zou hebben gesjoemeld met bronnen in zijn artikelen. Onderzoeker Gerard Smit van de Hogeschool Utrecht analyseert Ramesars verhaal over de “zogeheten Vergeten Driehoek in de Haagse Schilderswijk”.
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Deze studie richt zich op bloggen op dagbladsites en de betekenis hiervan voor dagbladen. De centrale vraag van het onderzoek is hoe de praktijk van het bloggen op dagbladsites de journalistiek bij die dagbladen beïnvloedt. Hebben bloggers invloed op journalistieke producties, het werk van journalisten en de nieuwsselectie en -presentatie? Om vast te stellen welke invloed bloggers hebben die actief zijn op dagbladsites, zijn inhoudsanalyses uitgevoerd en vervolgens interviews gehouden met drie soorten bloggers: journalisten, expertbloggers en burgerbloggers bij vier landelijke dagbladen (Volkskrant, Trouw, NRC Handelsblad en De Telegraaf), één gratis dagblad (DAG) en twee regionale dagbladen (TCTubantia en AD/Utrechts Nieuwsblad). Daarnaast zijn er gesprekken gevoerd met redacteuren die verantwoordelijk zijn voor het blog-deel op de website.
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Artikel in dagblad Trouw over Facebook gebruik. De auteur stelt dat er een moment komt dat Facebook uit elkaar valt.
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[Voor Full text zie Link (bij abonnement) ] Er waren geen spandoeken, geen barricades, geen bedrijfsbezettingen. Journalisten kaapten de krant niet, de vakbond riep geen staking uit, er werden geen Kamervragen gesteld. Het herschikken van de Nederlandse krantenmarkt voltrok zich in gepaste stilte. PCM-Uitgevers kocht in 1995 NRC en AD en voegde dat toe aan de Volkskrant, Trouw en Het Parool. Nederland was even te klein. De pluriformiteit zou bedreigd worden. Over de dreigende eenvormigheid verschenen proefschriften, werden symposia georganiseerd en Kamervragen gesteld. Twintig jaar later, bij de recente uitbreiding van De Persgroep, werd alleen een zucht van verlichting gehoord.
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Despite the diplomatic activities and efforts between China and the EU, the news coverage generally paints a murky picture of the China-EU bilateral relations.
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‘The fear of crime’ is “upon everybody’s tongue” nowadays (Farrall & Gadd 2004:1). The concept is widely accepted as social problem across the globe (Gray, Jackson & Farrall 2008, Garland 2001) as it is held to impinge ‘(…) upon the well-being of a large proportion of the population’ (Farralll et al. 1997:658). But do we actually have a valid picture of a genuine ‘social problem of striking dimensions’ (Ditton 1999:83)? Critical voices say we don’t. ‘The fear of crime’ - as we generally know it - is seen by them as ‘(…) a product of the way it has been researched rather than the way it is’ (Farrall et al. 1997:658). And still, 45 years after the start of research, ‘surprisingly little can be said conclusively about the fear of crime‘ (Ditton & Farrall 2000:xxi). This research contributes to a growing body of knowledge - from especially the last fifteen years - that treats ‘the fear of crime’ as ‘(…) a complex allocation of interacting feelings, perceptions, emotions, values and judgments on the personal as well as the societal level’ (Pleysier 2010:43). One often replicated and paradoxical observation catches the eye: citizens perceive a growing threat of crime to their society, but consequently perceive a low risk that they themselves will fall victim of crime. Taking a social psychological approach (e.g. see Farrall et al. 2000; Jackson 2008), we will search for suitable explanations for this paradoxical observation in the fear of crime’s research tradition. The aim of this research is ‘to integrate social psychological concepts related to the individual’s identity and evaluation of his position in an increasingly complex society, to enhance our understanding of the fear of crime concept’ (Pleysier & Cops 2016:3).
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Citizen participation in local renewable energy projects is often promoted as many suppose it to be a panacea for the difficulties that are involved in the energy transition process. Quite evidently, it is not; there is a wide variety of visions, ideologies and interests related to an ‘energy transition’. Such a variety is actually a precondition for a stakeholder participation process, as stakeholder participation only makes sense if there is ‘something at stake’. Conflicting viewpoints, interests and debates are the essence of participation. The success of stakeholder participation implies that these differences are acknowledged, and discussed, and that this has created mutual understanding among stakeholders. It does not necessarily create ‘acceptance’. Renewable energy projects often give rise to local conflict. The successful implementation of local renewable energy systems depends on the support of the local social fabric. While at one hand decisions to construct wind turbines in specific regions trigger local resistance, the opposite also occurs! Solar parks sometimes create a similar variation: Various communities try to prevent the construction of solar parks in their vicinity, while other communities proudly present their parks. Altogether, local renewable energy initiatives create a rather chaotic picture, if regarded from the perspective of government planning. However, if we regard the successes, it appears the top down initiatives are most successful in areas with a weak social fabric, like industrial areas, or rather recently reclaimed land. Deeply rooted communities, virtually only have successful renewable energy projects that are more or less bottom up initiatives. This paper will first sketch why participation is important, and present a categorisation of processes and procedures that could be applied. It also sketches a number of myths and paradoxes that might occur in participation processes. ‘Compensating’ individuals and/or communities to accept wind turbines or solar parks is not sufficient to gain ‘acceptance’. A basic feature of many debates on local renewable energy projects is about ‘fairness’. The implication is that decision-making is neither on pros and cons of various renewable energy technologies as such, nor on what citizens are obliged to accept, but on a fair distribution of costs and benefits. Such discussions on fairness cannot be short cut by referring to legal rules, scientific evidence, or to standard financial compensations. History plays a role as old feelings of being disadvantaged, both at individual and at group level, might re-emerge in such debates. The paper will provide an overview of various local controversies on renewable energy initiatives in the Netherlands. It will argue that an open citizen participation process can be organized to work towards fair decisions, and that citizens should not be addressed as greedy subjects, trying to optimise their own private interests, but as responsible persons.
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In 1988 werden in Nederland de eerste islamitische basisscholen opgericht. Sindsdien liggen de scholen regelmatig onder vuur. Critici vrezen dat religieuze segregatie de sociale integratie van kinderen belemmert. Dit artikel laat daarentegen, op basis van de resultaten van eerder onderzoek, zien hoe islamitische scholen kunnen bijdragen aan het wederzijdse proces van sociale integratie in de Nederlandse pluriforme samenleving. Verschenen in het special issue van Religions 'Islam and/in Education in the Netherlands' 13: 849.
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This article traces the emergence of one particular genre of discourse, the genre of "new realism" in the Dutch public debates on multicultural society from the early 1990s till Spring 2002. The focus upon different "genres" implies an interest in the performative power of discourse, i.e. the way in which any discourse, in or by its descriptions of reality, (co)produces that reality. Four distinctive characteristics of "new realism" are detected in three subsequent public debates, culminating in the genre of "hyper-realism", of which the immensely successful and recently murdered politician Pim Fortuyn proved to be the consummate champion. Cet article explique le développement d'un genre particulier de discours, le "nouveau réalisme", au sein du débat public sur la société multiculturelle aux Pays Bas. La période étudidée s'étale du début des années 1990 jusqu'au printemps 2002. L'importance attribuée aux différents "genres" reflète un intérêt pour le pouvoir performatif du discours, notamment la facon dont le discours (co)produit la réalité qu'il décrit. On décèle quatre traits distinctifs du "nouveau réalisme" dans trois débats publics qui débouchent sur le "hyper-réalisme" genre dont Pim Fortuyn, homme politique ayant connu un grand succès et victime récente d'un meurtre,s'était fait le champion attitré.
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Onderzoeker Philip Marcel Karré bespreekt twee recente rapporten die sociale innovatie in de stadslandbouw belichten. De auteurs beschrijven en analyseren Rotterdamse projecten vanuit twee resp. invalshoeken: als burgerinitiatief in de buitenruimte en als sociale onderneming, en schetsen zo een beeld van de stand van zaken in de praktijk.
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