This article traces the emergence of one particular genre of discourse, the genre of "new realism" in the Dutch public debates on multicultural society from the early 1990s till Spring 2002. The focus upon different "genres" implies an interest in the performative power of discourse, i.e. the way in which any discourse, in or by its descriptions of reality, (co)produces that reality. Four distinctive characteristics of "new realism" are detected in three subsequent public debates, culminating in the genre of "hyper-realism", of which the immensely successful and recently murdered politician Pim Fortuyn proved to be the consummate champion. Cet article explique le développement d'un genre particulier de discours, le "nouveau réalisme", au sein du débat public sur la société multiculturelle aux Pays Bas. La période étudidée s'étale du début des années 1990 jusqu'au printemps 2002. L'importance attribuée aux différents "genres" reflète un intérêt pour le pouvoir performatif du discours, notamment la facon dont le discours (co)produit la réalité qu'il décrit. On décèle quatre traits distinctifs du "nouveau réalisme" dans trois débats publics qui débouchent sur le "hyper-réalisme" genre dont Pim Fortuyn, homme politique ayant connu un grand succès et victime récente d'un meurtre,s'était fait le champion attitré.
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Within a short period of time, the Netherlands transformed itself from a relatively tolerant country to a nation that called for cultural assimilation, tough measures and neo-patriotism. The discursive genre of 'new realism' played a crucial role in this retreat from multiculturalism, and that had a dual effect for immigrant women. Whereas formerly they were virtually ignored by both the integration and the emancipation policy, since the triumph of new realism they are in the centre of both policy lines and there is now more policy attention for their needs and interests. Yet in the public debate the culture card is drawn frequently and immigrant women are portrayed as either victims or accomplices of their oppressive cultures. Policy makers and practitioners in the field, however, succeeded in avoiding cultural stereotyping by developing cultural-sensitive measures, while naming them in culture-blind terms.
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Europe is on the path, though rocky, to political and cultural unity. After World War II, relatively large numbers of immigrants moved to Europe and brought with them outside cultural customs and religions. The issue of multiculturalism in society has been on the political agenda for decades, but attitudes have changed drastically since 11th September 2001. Attitudes in relation to migrants, particularly those with a Muslim background, have become more wary and critical. Islam has become associated with violence and terrorism and fears have grown that migration exacerbates this threat to society. These societal developments pose a threat to intercultural education. This article explores the societal situation in the Netherlands and Germany using empirical data and elaborates how youth in the Netherlands and Germany evaluate their relationship with migrant, especially through the dimension of religious tolerance and acceptance.
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The professional growth of midwives, essential for optimizing midwifery leadership globally, can be enhanced through twinning collaborations. How twinning promotes growth is unclear. This case study explores how professional growth is affected by cultural differences between twins. We used a longitudinal qualitative design including data from open-ended questionnaires and focus groups. These data were analyzed using a content analysis. Our findings show that cultural differences were capable of both hindering and facilitating professional growth. Within the complex dynamics of twinning, professional growth was facilitated by twins’ preparedness to bridge cultural differences. Common goals positively influenced this process. Friction was more likely, and professional growth was hindered, when midwives were unprepared to bridge cultural differences. To optimize professional growth through twinning, we recommend a clear focus on common goals and consideration of the interaction between the length of a project and the extent of the cultural differences between twins.
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Wessels asks the question what kind of educational space we should open in response to complex questions and challenges that permeate our contemporary, shared world (e.g., related to climate change and multiculturalism).
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We focus in the current study on associations between personality, multicultural attitudes, and perceived ethnic outgroup distance in the Netherlands. Data were collected among four different ethnic groups (from low to high in terms of ethnic hierarchy): Turkish/Moroccan-Dutch, Antillean/Surinamese-Dutch, Mixed Western immigrants, and Dutch majority group members. We found support for a mediation model in which in all groups multicultural attitudes mediate the relation between personality traits, education level, and age as antecedents, and outgroup distance as outcome; age was the only antecedent that also had a direct effect on outcome. Education was positively related to multiculturalism in the groups high in the hierarchy and unrelated in the groups low in the hierarchy. The association between multicultural attitudes and outgroup distance was negative and stronger for the groups higher in the ethnic hierarchy; hierarchy was unrelated to outgroup distance. Groups higher in the hierarchy scored lower on multicultural attitudes. It was concluded that multicultural attitudes and outgroup distance are important for understanding intergroup dynamics in ethnically diverse societies.
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In years to come, the past decade will be characterized as one of revolt against liberalism. With the election of Barack Obama in 2008, liberalism appeared to reach new heights. But the year also marked what, to many, seemed like the beginning of the end. Election after election around the globe saw the rise of pundits, politicians, and parties, from across the political spectrum, that promised alternatives to liberalism’s broken promises. Soon enough, illiberal politicians dominated political discourse: Wilders in the Netherlands. Modi in India. Trump in the United States. Orbán in Hungary. Bolsonaro in Brazil.
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